作者:安南在清华大学的演讲 来源:未知 2021-05-21   阅读:


Secretary-General's speech at Qing Hua University 安南在清华大学的演讲

Secretary-General's speech at Qing Hua University

  Secretary-General Kofi Annan:

  Thank you, President Gu, for that most flattering introduction.

  Ladies and Gentlemen,

  It is a great honour for me to speak at one of China's great academic institutions one that is helping to revive and maintain your country's historic tradition of leading the world in science and technology, and one whose alumni are to be found in positions of leadership throughout the country.

  Here, as in so many other places in China, no visitor can help feeling the excitement of a great country developing at breakneck speed, and every day opening up new vistas of knowledge and opportunity to its citizens. You can be really proud of your country and what it has achieved in the last 25 years.

  As I look out over the young faces in this audience I cannot help envying the international students more than a thousand, I am told, from over 50 countries who have the privilege of sharing your learning experience here.

  It reminds me for a moment of my own student days, when my country, Ghana, was newly independent. We felt we were suddenly reaching out to the world, and making new discoveries every day.

But then I also remember that times of rapid change can bring pain and confusion, even destruction, as well as progress and excitement.

  The more rapid and exciting it is, the more change calls for careful management, and wise, humane leadership.

  Order and stability have to be preserved, but without choking off the freedom to enquire, and experiment, and express oneself, since as you young researchers know better than anyone knowledge and science have a vital role in national development.

  And technical expertise needs to be harnessed to the development and security of society as a whole, so that it not only creates greater wealth for the few, but enables all citizens to feel safer and more prosperous.

  The development of such a great country as China cannot happen in isolation. It affects the whole world, and it draws you into new relationships with other parts of the world.

  Increasingly, your economy depends on exchanges with other countries both imports and exports, of both goods and capital. Foreign investment plays an essential role in your growth, while your holdings of foreign currencies and your management of your own currency are coming to play a vital part in the international monetary system.

This means that you have a stake in the development and prosperity of the wider world. And your security, too, depends on international peace and stability.

  Your government shows that it understands this, by the role that it plays in the United Nations, and elsewhere. And increasingly, Chinese citizens are called on to take risks, and make sacrifices, in the interests of global security. It was impressive to see, in our newspapers the other day, pictures of Chinese policemen in blue helmets preparing to join the United Nations mission in Haiti an island buffeted by both human and meteorological storms, which is literally on the far side of the world from here.

  So I am here, in part, to express the world's gratitude. Clearly you in China have understood, as your saying goes, that we all share the same breath. Human misery knows no frontiers, and nor should human solidarity.

  Indeed, solidarity was one of the fundamental values solemnly reaffirmed, four years ago, by the political leaders from all over the world who met at United Nations Headquarters, and issued the Millennium Declaration.

  They declared that global challenges must be managed in a way that distributes the costs and burdens fairly…Those who suffer or who benefit least deserve help from those who benefit most.

They promised to spare no effort to free more than one billion of their fellow men, women and children from extreme poverty, and to make the right to development a reality for all.

  And they set themselves precise benchmarks by which their success in keeping these promises could be measured, in the year 2015.

  Those benchmarks have come to be known as the Millennium Development Goals, or MDGs. First among them is the pledge to reduce by half the proportion of people in the world living on an income of less than one dollar a day. Others include the pledge to halt, and begin to reverse, the spread of HIV/AIDS; and the pledge to integrate the principles of sustainable development into every country's policies and programmes, so that our children and grandchildren will not face the threat of living on a planet irredeemably spoilt by human activities, or whose resources are not sufficient for their needs.

  Will the world reach these goals by 2015? It depends, in great part, on China.

  Your population is so large, and your economy is growing so rapidly, that your impact on all global statistics is enormous. It is theoretically possible that we might succeed in halving the proportion of very poor people in the world by 2015, simply because China had succeeded in lifting almost all its people out of that category, even if most countries in Africa still had the same proportion.

Conversely, many countries might, by 2015, have made great strides in combating HIV/AIDS, or adopting sustainable models of development. But if China had failed to do those things, there would still be terrible consequences for humanity.

  However, that need not be the path taken, either in this country or in the rest of the world. Both for your national interests and in the interest of the world as a whole, you have a great responsibility to look after your people, and your natural environment.

  But your responsibility does not end there.

  The eighth and last Millennium Development Goal is a global partnership for development. This means that developing countries must not be left to develop on their own. They need the help of the richer and more powerful countries through the removal of unfair trade barriers and subsidised competition; through the elimination of the debts which oblige so many poor countries to spend more on repaying and servicing their creditors than they can on the social needs of their own people; and through more generous official development aid which the rich countries have repeatedly promised to provide.

In practical terms, global partnership means that every country where there is extreme poverty is entitled to expect help in forging and pursuing a national strategy to achieve the MDGs by 2015. For the poorest countries, most of which are in Africa, this will be of decisive importance. Without it, they will not reach the Goals. With it, they are in with a real chance.

  That places a big responsibility on the rich countries and it is one that China shares. I know you are used to thinking of your country as a developing one, and so it is probably the fastest developing country the world has ever seen. But the more successfully it develops, the more it too will be expected to show solidarity with smaller and poorer countries that still need a helping hand.

  By the same token, as China's geopolitical weight grows, so does its share of responsibility for world security.

  As well as global solidarity, the Millennium Declaration expressed a shared vision of collective security, rooted in the United Nations Charter.

  Yet the events of the past two years have called that consensus in question.

Some have doubted whether Article 51 of the Charter, which reaffirms the inherent right of self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security, is still sufficient in an age when an armed attack may come without warning, from a clandestine terrorist group, perhaps armed with weapons of mass destruction.

  They have argued that force must sometimes be used preventively, and that they must be free to decide when their national security requires it.

  Others have replied that that doctrine is in itself a grave threat to international peace and security since it might imply that any state has the right to use force whenever it sees fit, without regard to other states' concerns. And that is precisely the state of affairs which the United Nations was created to save humanity from.

  Indeed, the first purpose of the United Nations, laid down in Article 1 of the Charter, is to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace.

  We must show that the United Nations is capable of fulfilling that purpose, so that States do not feel obliged or entitled to take the law into their own hands.

That is why, last year, I asked a small panel of distinguished men and women to make recommendations on ways of dealing with threats and challenges to peace and security in the twenty-first century. I am delighted that a very wise Chinese statesman, Mr. Qian Qichen, agreed to join that panel, whose report should be ready in a few weeks' time.

  I hope that its recommendations will help us to rebuild and improve our global security system, so that in future no state feels it has to face global threats on its own, and all can feel confident that others will respect the rules.

  In short, my friends, there is much to be done to make the world safe in this new century, and to give all its inhabitants a real chance of living prosperous and fulfilling lives. Many bold decisions need to be taken, and taken soon.

  I hope that some of the most important may be taken in September next year, when world leaders will again assemble at the United Nations to review the progress made, or not made, since the Millennium Declaration. This will be the world's best chance for a breakthrough to address the joint global challenges of development and security. Yet the task will be much tougher than five years ag instead of setting goals, this time leaders must agree on concrete decisions to achieve them.

For 191 nations to agree on a common path forward, many debates will be needed over the coming year, both within countries and among them. Governments will have to work together and reach compromises, sometimes involving the sacrifice of cherished national goals or interests. And they can do so only if their peoples understand what is at stake, and firmly support it

  China, with its remarkable experience in development and expertise in security, can make a leading contribution to this vital global breakthrough.

  That is why I am so glad to be in Beijing today, and to have the chance to speak not only to your government but also to you here, in one of China's great centres of innovation and creative thought. You young educated people have so much to contribute to development, and to meeting the global challenges that I have spoken about safeguarding world peace and security, developing friendly relations among peoples of different faith or culture, and achieving the Millennium Development Goals.

  You already have a well-developed network of solidarity between richer and poorer regions within China, and I know many of you will be serving in poor areas, after you graduate. I hope some of you will think also about serving in other parts of the world, where your skills may be even more desperately needed.

I urge you all and your contemporaries throughout China to commit yourselves to finding answers to our century's great challenges of poverty, disease, and environmental degradation. I say to you, as I have said to students in the United States, and many other countries, go out and make the world better!

  But I have spoken long enough. Now it's your turn. If you have questions, I will try to answer them. But I hope you may also have comments, so that I can learn from you.

  Thank you very much.



  清华大学是中国声望的学府之一,来到这里演讲使我感到十分荣幸。中国具有世界科技的历史传统,贵校正在努力恢复和保持这一传统,贵校的毕 业生遍布全国各地的领导岗位。









  就商品和资金的进出口而言,中国经济对与其他国家交流的依赖程度越来越大。外国投资对于中国经济的增长发挥着根本的作用,而中国的外汇储备以及贵国对本国货币的管理,将在国际货币体系中发挥重要的作用。   这就是说,全世界的发展与繁荣对中国利害攸关。中国的安全也离不开国际的和平和稳定。







  那么,到 2015年全世界是么能够实现这些目标?这在很大程度上取决于中国。






  具体说来,全球伙伴关系意味着每一个存在赤贫的国家都有权利期望获得帮助,以拟定并执行到2015年实现千年发展目标的国家战略。这一点对于大多数位处非洲的最贫穷的国家来说,具有至关重要的意义。如果没有这种帮助,这些国家就不能实现千年发展目标。如果能够得到这种帮助,这些国家就真正有机会实现这些目标。  这就使富裕国家担负起一个重大责任,对此,中国也责无旁贷。我知道,你们习惯将自己的国家作为一个发展中国家来看待,中国也的确是一个发展中国家,也许是世界上前所未有的发展速度最快的囚家。不过,中国发展越成功,人们也就越期待中国能够对那些仍然需要援助之手的小国、穷国表现出同舟共济的精神。




  这些人辩解说,这些时候必须为了预防而使用武力,而在他们国家安全需要时,必须有权自由作出此种决定。  还有些人则认为,这种理论本身就是对国际和平与安全的严重威胁,因为这就意味着任何国家,只要自己认为合适,都有权动武,而不必考虑其他国家所关切的问题。然而,创立联合国恰恰是为了使人类免于遭受这种局面。



  正是出于这一原因,我于去年请一个名人小组就如何在二十一世纪解决对和平与安全的威胁和挑战提出建议。我感到欣慰的是,一位充满智慧的中国政治家钱其琛先生同意参加该小组,再过几个星期小组的报告就可以提交了。  我希望小组的建议将有助于我们重新建立并改进我们的全球安全体系,这样,未来将没有任何一个国家会感到必须要单枪匹马地面对全球性威胁,而所有国家都会充满信心地认为其他国家将会遵守这些规则。


  明年九月,世界领导人将再一次在联合国聚集一堂,审查《千年宣言》以来有哪些进展,或缺乏进展,我希望,届时将会作出一些极为重要的决定。这将是世界在应对发展与安全这一双重全球性挑战方面实现突破的机遇。不过与五年前相比,任务将更加艰巨,这次领导人不是制订目标,而是为实现这些目标商定具体的决策。  要使191个国家就共同的前进道路达成协议,还需要在未来的一年进行许多讨论,在一国之内和各国之间都要开展辩论。各国政府必须共同努力,并且还要达成妥协,有时甚至要对宝贵的国家目标或国家利益忍痛作出牺牲。但要做到这点,就必须使本国人民懂得利害相关所在,赢得他们的坚定支持。







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